The most important concept developed in Lao Tzu's Tao te ching is tao. Tao literally means "road" or "way. Tao stands as the force behind the universe. There is even an indication that it is the universe itself. An important quality of the tao is its "weakness," or "submissiveness. Thus, the Tao te ching places strong emphasis on nonaction wu wei , which means the absence of aggressive action. Man should not strive for wealth or fame, and violence is to be avoided.
This peaceful approach to life was extremely influential in later periods and led to the development of a particular Taoist way of living that involved special breathing exercises and special eating habits that were designed to maintain calmness and harmony with the tao. Heider, John. Atlanta: Humanics New Age, Kohn, Livia, and Michael LaFargue, eds. Lao-Tzu and the Tao-Te-Ching. Lau, D. Lao Tzu: Tao Te Ching. Baltimore: Penguin Books, Lao Tzu. Tao Te Ching. Edited by James Legge.
Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, Toggle navigation. Tao te ching Lao Tzu's Tao te ching itself is a collection of sayings describing the principal Taoist teachings. For More Information Heider, John.
The order of the chapters is reversed, with in the Wang Bi coming before chapters in the Mawangdui versions. More precisely, the order of the Mawangdui texts takes the traditional 81 chapters and sets them out like this: 38, 39, 40, , 80, 81, , , 24, 22, 23, Robert Henricks has published a translation of these texts with extensive notes and comparisons with the Wang Bi under the title Lao-Tzu, Te-tao Ching. The Guodian find consists of inscribed bamboo slips found in a tomb near the village of Guodian in Hubei province in There are 71 slips with material that is also found in 31 of the 81 chapters of the DDJ and corresponding only to Chapters Based on the probable date of the closing of the tomb, the version of the DDJ found within it may date as early as c.
According to this text, Laozi was a native of Chu, a southern state of the Zhou dynasty. His surname was Li, and his personal name was Er, and his style name was Dan.
Sima Qian reports that Laozi was a historiographer in charge of the archives of Zhou. Moreover, Sima Qian tells us that Confucius had traveled to see Laozi to learn about the performance of rituals from him. On four occasions, Confucius Kongzi , Master Kong is reported to have responded to questions by appealing to answers given by Lao Dan. The records even say that Confucius once assisted him in a burial service. According to the biography, during the course of their conversations Laozi told Confucius to give up his prideful ways and seeking of power.
When Confucius returned to his disciples, he told them that he was overwhelmed by the commanding presence of Laozi, which was like that of a mighty dragon. The biography goes on to say that Laozi cultivated the dao and its de. However, as the state of Zhou continued to decline, Laozi decided to leave China through the Western pass toward India and that upon his departure he gave to the keeper of the pass, one Yin Xi, a book divided into two parts, one on dao and one on de, and of 5, characters in length.
After that, no one knew what became of him. This is perhaps the most familiar of the traditions narrated by Sima Qian and it contains the core of most every subsequent biography or hagiography of Laozi of significance. However, the biography did not end here.
Sima Qian went on to record what other sources said about Laozi. In the first biography, Sima Qian says some report that Laolaizi came from Chu, was a contemporary of Confucius, and he authored a work in fifteen sections which speaks of the practical uses of the Daoist teachings.
But Sima Qian leaves it undecided whether he thinks Laolaizi should be identified with Laozi, even if he does include this reference in the section on Laozi. Sima Qian adds another layer to the biography without commenting on the degree of confidence he has in its truthfulness, according to which it is said that Laozi lived years or even years, as a result of cultivating the dao and nurturing his longevity.
An additional tradition included in the first biography is that Dan, the historiographer of Zhou predicted in B. The point of this tradition is that Dan Lao Dan?
But Sima Qian likewise refuses to identify Laozi with this Dan. Another movement in the evolution of the Laozi story was completed by about B. The association of Laozi with a text the DDJ that was becoming increasingly significant was important. The journey to the West component now also had a new force. It explained why Laozi was not presently advising the Han rulers.
He even tells us that when the Zhou kingdom began to decline, Laozi decided to leave China and head into the West. When he reached the mountain pass, the keeper of the pass Yin Xi insisted that he write down his teachings, so that the people would have them after he left. No one knows where he ended his life. Since his biography located Laozi in a time period predating the Zhuangzi , and the passages in the Zhuangzi seemed to be about a person who lived in the time of Confucius and not to be simply a literary or traditional invention , then the inference was easy to make that Laozi was the founder of the Daoist school.
Laozi told him that he could come along, but only after he cultivated the dao. Laozi instructed Yin to study hard and await a summons which would be delivered to him in the marketplace in the city of Chengdu.
It makes the first apotheosis of Laozi into a deity. Accordingly, during this period of the 2 nd and 3 rd centuries, the elite at the imperial court divinized Laozi and regarded him as an embodiment or incarnation of the dao , a kind of cosmic emperor who knew how to bring things into perfect harmony and peace by acting in wu-wei.
The Daoist cosmological belief in the powers of beings who experienced unity with the dao to effect transformation of their bodies and powers for example, Huzi in Zhuangzi, ch. It tells how Laozi transformed into his own mother and gave birth to himself, taking quite literally comments in the DDJ where the dao is portrayed as the mother of all things DDJ, ch.
The work associates Laozi with various manifestations or incarnations of the dao itself. In this text there is a complete apotheosis of Laozi into a numinal divinity. Alone and without relation, he has existed since before heaven and earth. Living deeply hidden, he always returns to be. The final passage in this work is an address given by Laozi predicting his reappearance and promising liberation from trouble and the overthrow of the Han dynasty, an allusion that helps us fix the probable date of origin for the work.
The millennial cults of the second century believed Laozi was a messianic figure who appeared to their leaders and gave them instructions and revelations for example, the hagiography of Zhang Daoling, founder of the Celestial Master Zhengyi movement contained in the 5th century work, Taiping Guangji 8. The period of the Celestial Masters c.
Laojun could manifest himself in any time of unrest and bring Great Peace taiping. Yet, the Celestial Masters never claimed that Laojun had done so in their day. Instead of such a direct manifestation, the Celestial Masters practitioners taught that Laojun transmitted to them talismans, registers, and new scriptures in the form of texts to guide the creation of communities of heavenly peace.
One work, very likely from the late 3 rd or early 4 th century C. According to the text, Laozi delivered these precepts after returning from India and finding the people in a state of corruption.
As a result of these exchanges, scholarly consensus holds that Wang Fu compiled a one scroll work entitled Classic of the Conversion of the Barbarians Huahu jing, c. Perhaps the most inflammatory claim of this work was its teaching that when Laozi left China through the Western pass he went to India, where he transmorphed into the historical Buddha and converted the barbarians. The basic implication of the book was that Buddhism was actually only a form of Daoism.
This work inflamed Buddhists for decades. In fact, both of the Tang Emperors Gaozong C. However, as bitter contention continued between Buddhism and Daoism, the Daoists actually expanded the Classic of the Conversion of the Barbarians , so that by C.
Four of these were recovered in the Dunhuang cache of manuscripts. The much extended work came to include the account that Laozi entered the mouth of a queen in India and the next year was born from her right arm-pit to become the Buddha. This is different from the argument that wuwei prescribes not doing or doing less of certain things, if such prescription requires deliberate effort.
As a guide to recovering or attaining that ideal, there may be room for the ruler to impose conditions that would lead to a diminishing of desire-driven action; but this is not quite ideal wuwei. Similarly, although it may be said that nonaction points to a state of mind in which one does everything that one does, it is on the understanding that in that ideal state certain actions simply would not occur as a matter of course, as the mind would not be aroused and move in their direction.
For example, to argue that there is a qualitatively different wuwei way of stealing or gambling would not be meaningful in the world of the Laozi , because such action would not arise in the ideal realm of naturalness. To elaborate further, consider the ideal ethical situation in the cosmological reading of the Laozi as represented by the Heshanggong commentary.
The dispensation of qi gives rise to a pristine hierarchical order in which those who are blessed with a perfect qi endowment, the rare sages, would govern the majority. It can be assumed that the sages are naturally predisposed to quietude, whereas the common people are driven by desire in varying degree.
Indeed, at one point, the Laozi seems to distinguish three different grades of human beings ch. The role of the sage-ruler, then, would be to guide the people to abide by simplicity through personal charisma and example, and also by means of policies designed to cultivate an environment in which desire would not run rampant.
In the absence of a true sage-ruler, the Laozi is saying, according to this interpretation, those in power should emulate the Daoist sage, cultivate their internal qi energies, and bring about peace and harmony through naturalness and nonaction. The decisive difference is that on this account, human beings all share the same essential nature, as distinguished from their qi -constituted capacities.
For example, some people may be better endowed and therefore could live to a ripe old age, while others with a poorer endowment may die prematurely; but this does not detract from the fundamental assertion that they share the same inherent de , which defines their nature.
Sages are not a different kind of being, god-like, with a radically different nature; rather, they are individuals who manage to realize their authentic de to the full.
Being one with Dao does not describe any mystical union with a divine source or sacred power, but reflects a mode of being that accords with the assumed original nature marked by natural goodness and the absence of excessive desire. Regardless of the position one takes, in this general interpretive framework a number of symbols which both delight and puzzle readers of the Laozi can be highlighted.
Suggestive of its creativity and nurturance, Dao is likened to a mother e. This complements the paradigm of the feminine e. The infant e. First, it brings out the relationship between Dao and world; second, the kind of innocence and wholesome spontaneity represented by the infant exemplifies the pristine fullness of de in the ideal Daoist world.
Natural symbols such as water e. The low-lying and fertile valley e. Carefully crafted and ornately decorated objects are treasured by the world, and as such can be used as a powerful symbol for it. In contrast, the utterly simple, unaffected, and seemingly valueless pu , a plain uncarved block of wood, brings into sharp relief the integrity of Daoist virtue and of the person who embodies it e.
Finally, one may mention the notion of reversal e. With respect to the latter, it is true that in many chapters the text seems to be addressing the ruler or the ruling elite, explaining to them the ideal government of the Daoist sage. This is not surprising given the Zhou context and given that the production of written documents and the access to them were generally the preserve of the ruling class in ancient China.
However, this need not restrict interpretation to politics in the narrow sense of statecraft or political strategies. In the light of the emphasis on ziran and wuwei , there is sufficient evidence that the Laozi views politics in a larger ethical-spiritual context, in which the flourishing of sociopolitical order is rooted in self-cultivation.
In the final analysis, naturalness and nonaction are seen to reflect the function of the nameless and formless Dao. As such, Daoist ethical ideals are anchored in a non-empirical, idealized view of nature. Specifically, the ethics of the Laozi rests on the understanding that de is inherent in nature, or better, the Daoist world.
The understanding of de , however, is dependent on that of Dao, which in turn hinges on the interpretation of wu as either original substance or nonbeing. Both readings are plausible and are within the semantic range of the Laozi. Whereas the former subscribes to the prevalent qi theory that underlies much of Chinese philosophy and on that basis provides an integrated view of the cosmos, self-cultivation and government, the latter focuses on the fundamental unity of being characterized by natural simplicity and quietude that ideally should define the ethical course for both the individual and society.
The Laozi should be recognized as a seminal work. It is profoundly insightful; but it is the task of the interpreter to work out the full implications of its often provocative insight. It seems reasonable to assume that while the Laozi has something new to offer, it nonetheless shares certain background ideas and assumptions with other early Chinese philosophical texts. As such, the cosmological interpretation should be given due consideration. However, in bringing into view the nothingness of Dao and the order of ziran , the Laozi invites reflection on the very core of being beyond any cosmological assumptions.
While the production of meaning is context dependent, new horizons do emerge from great works of philosophy. The two lines of interpretation outlined here have different ethical implications regarding the nature of the ideal sage, but neither can be said to have transgressed the hermeneutic boundaries of the Daodejing.
The suggestion that they both arise from the Laozi is not a matter of equivocation but an acknowledgement of its hermeneutical depth for a good set of essays incorporating the latest scholarship on the Laozi , see Liu The power of the Daodejing does not lie in a clearly laid out set of doctrines, but in its seminal insights.
The concept of qi may be culture specific, and the prospects of realizing universal Daoist order may seem remote, but the recognition of the fundamental problem of desire should still give us pause. The ills of discrimination, exploitation and intellectual hubris, so deeply embedded in language and value systems, remain as serious today as they were in early China.
The healing power of nonaction still strikes a chord and commands continuing reflection and engagement. Although in working out these insights differences will no doubt arise, they unite all interpreters of the Laozi and draw new generations of readers into the mystery of Dao and its virtue. Transliteration of Chinese terms in this article follows the hanyu pinyin romanization system, except for a few proper names and quotations.
Brill, ], pp. The Laozi Story 2. Date and Authorship of the Laozi 3. Textual Traditions 4. Commentaries 5. Approaches to the Laozi 6. Dao and Virtue 7. Date and Authorship of the Laozi The date of composition refers to the time when the Laozi reached more or less its final form; it does not rule out later interpolations or corruptions.
Textual Traditions The discovery of two Laozi silk manuscripts at Mawangdui, near Changsha, Hunan province in marks an important milestone in modern Laozi research. Commentaries Commentaries to the Laozi offer an invaluable guide to interpretation and are important also for their own contributions to Chinese philosophy and religion.
Approaches to the Laozi Is the Laozi a manual of self-cultivation and government? Dao and Virtue To begin with Dao, the etymology of the Chinese graph or character suggests a pathway, or heading in a certain direction along a path. Bibliography Allan, Sarah, Allan, Sarah, and Crispin Williams, Ames, Roger T. Hall trans. Assandri, Friederike, Baxter, William H. Bokenkamp, Stephen, Boltz, William G. Brooks, E. Bruce, and A. Taeko Brooks, Capra, Fritjof, Chan, Alan K. Brill, 1— Chan, Wing-tsit, Chen, Ellen M.
Ching, Julia, Clarke, J. Creel, Herlee G. What is Taoism? Csikszentmihalyi, Mark, and Philip J. Ivanhoe eds. Ding Sixin, Guodian Chumu zhujian sixiang yanjiu , Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe. Emerson, John, Erkes, Eduard, Fung Yu-lan, Gao Heng, []. Chongding Laozi zhenggu , Taipei: Xinwenfeng; original publication date Girardot, Norman J. Graham, A.
Reprinted in A. Guodian Chu mu zhujian , Hall, David, and Roger Ames, Hansen, Chad, Han, Wei ed. Hardy, Julia, Hawkes, David trans. Henricks, Robert G. Hoff, Benjamin, Ikeda, Tomohisa, Chan and Sor-hoon Tan eds. Ivanhoe, Philip J. The Daodejing of Laozi , Indianapolis: Hackett. Jaspers, Karl, Jiang Xichang, Laozi jiaogu , Taipei: Dongsheng. Kaltenmark, Max, Kim, Hongkyung, Kimura Eiichi, Kohn, Livia, Daoism Handbook , Leiden and Boston: Brill.
Kohn, Livia, and Michael LaFargue eds. Kusuyama Haruki, LaFargue, Michael, Lai, Karyn, Lau, D. Legge, James, []. Lin, Paul J. Liu Cunren, Liu, Xiaogan, Laozi , Taipei: Dongda; second, revised edition, Laozi gujin , 2 vols.
Loewe, Michael, and Edward L. Shaughnessy eds. Lou, Yulie, Wang Bi ji jiaoshi , Beijing: Zhonghua shuju. Lynn, Richard John trans. Ma Chengyuan ed. Ma Xulun, Laozi jiaogu , Hong Kong: Taiping shuju. Mair, Victor, Moeller, Hans-Georg, Mukai Tetsuo, Needham, Joseph, Nivison, David S.
Pelliot, Paul, Puett, Michael, Queen, Sarah A, Goldin ed. Rand, Christopher, — Rao Zongyi, Roberts, Moss trans. Robinet, Isabelle, Roth, Harold D. Rump, Ariane, Ryden, Edmund, Saso, Michael, Schwartz, Benjamin, Seidel, Anna, Shima Kunio, Sivin, Nathan, Slingerland, Edward, Tsai Chih Chung, et al. Wagner, Rudolf G. Waley, Arthur, Wang Ming, Wang Zhongmin, Laozi kao , Taipei: Dongsheng.
Originally published Welch, Holmes, Xiong Tieji, et al. Zhongguo Laoxueshi , Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe. Ershi shiji Zhongguo Laoxue , Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe. Xu Kangsheng, Boshu Laozi zhuyi yu yanjiu , Zhejiang renmin chubanshe. Yan Lingfeng, Zhongwai Laozi zhushu mulu , Taipei: Zhonghua congshu weiyuanhui. Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng, chubian , Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan. Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng, xubian , Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan.
Mawangdui boshu Laozi shitan , Taipei: Heluo tushu chubanshe. Yu, Anthony C. Academic Tools How to cite this entry. Enhanced bibliography for this entry at PhilPapers , with links to its database. Laozi, Daoist, and Chinese Links Extensive links. Internet Guide for China Studies This is one of the most comprehensive websites on China Studies today; highly recommended.
0コメント